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«If your teacher is a Qadiani, refuse learning from him A Report on the Persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan during the Year 2012 Contents Chapter Page ...»

-- [ Page 1 ] --

A Report

on the Persecution of Ahmadis

in Pakistan during the Year 2012


If your teacher is a Qadiani, refuse learning from him

A Report on the

Persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan

during the Year 2012


Chapter Page Nr.

1. Foreword 1

2. Executive summary 2 3. Four special reports 7 I. Spate of murderous attacks in Karachi 7 II. Police torture to death Mr. Abdul Qaddoos, an innocent prominent Ahamdi, in Rabwah 11 III. Freedom of worship severely curtailed in Rawalpindi 17 IV. Banning of the monthly Misbah and the daily Al-Fazl 23 4. Religiously motivated murders, assaults and attempts 27 5. Prosecution on religious grounds 35 6. The worsening situation in Lahore, capital of the Punjab 49 7. Mosques under attack, and worship denied 66 8. Burial problems, graveyards 77 9. Problems in education 85 10. Open-air rallies and hate campaign 94 Denial of political rights – Elections 2013 11. 119 12. Miscellaneous, and reports from all over 128 a. Reports from cities 128 b. Reports from towns and villages 132 c. Media 138 d. Kidnapping of Ahmadis 151 e. Disturbing threats 153 f. Plight of Rabwah 159 g. Diverse

–  –  –

The year 2012 has been a tough year – very tough for Ahmadis in Pakistan. More Ahmadis were murdered for their faith this year than ever before, except for 2010 when terrorists carried out a massacre of Ahmadi worshipers in two mosques in Lahore. The religious bigots and their powerful supporters hit Ahmadis hard and persistently. Blaise Pascal, the French philosopher was proved right once again in his statement: Men never do evil so completely and cheerfully as when they do it for religious conviction.

As the number of anti-Ahmadi incidents has shot up, the size of this report is bigger than in any previous year. There were many incidents that deserved a „special report‟ for inclusion in Chapter 3, but these had to be arbitrarily restricted to four only. As before, most of the incidents in this Report have been entered with the text used initially in reports when the incident happened. This preserves the original facts, context and impact of the incident.

Up-dating has been done wherever possible.

Laws specific to Ahmadis and the so-called Blasphemy law have been produced for ready reference in Annex III. The situation of Ahmadis in the context of the forthcoming national elections is described in Chapter 11. As most of the persecution and violations of „freedom of faith‟ happened in the Punjab (governed by Sharifs of PML-N), and Lahore, its provincial capital became the show-case of anti-Ahmadi hate and intolerance, so Chapter 6 is exclusively allocated to this city, the second largest in Pakistan. Here, a group of bigots attacked an Ahmadi graveyard in a posh locality in the middle of the night, beat up the staff and demolished 120 headstones. “After the living, they came for the dead,” was the title of a report on this incident in The Friday Times of Lahore.

To cater for the needs of readers who do not have time to read the entire report, an „Executive summary‟ is available in the next chapter. A compendium of overt facts and figures for this year is handy in the last annex.


–  –  –

THIS YEAR anti-Ahmadi elements enjoyed almost a free hand from the state to strike hard and often at Ahmadis all over Pakistan. In Karachi more Ahmadis were killed for their faith than the total in all the preceding 17 years. This was unlike other killings in previous years; it was a sustained campaign planned and implimented meticulously. The number of Ahmadis killed in the country were more than in any previous year except for 2010 when terrorists massacred 86 worshipers in two mosques in Lahore.

In Rabwah, the centre of Ahmadis in Pakistan, the police detained unlawfully a prominent Ahmadi, the president of his local community, and tortured him to death. This sent a shock wave to Ahmadis not only in Pakistan but all over the world.

In 10 other assaults, the victims did not die but escaped, mostly with injuries.

Arrests and booking of Ahmadis in religion-based criminal cases continued as before but on a larger scale. Fifty-six Ahmadis were booked by the police, twenty more than last year. The police are often instrumental in such cases and act in league with the mulla to persecute Ahmadis. Most of these cases are fabricated. The lead story from Phalia, the Punjab, in Chapter 5 is readable as it brings to light the modus operandi in such cases.

Ahmadiyya worship and places of worship were targeted this year more brazenly than ever before – mostly in the Punjab. It was done with full support of authorities – often by the police itself. In Kharian, the police demolished the minarets of the Ahmadiyya mosque. In Rawalpindi the authorities forbade Ahmadis their congregations for worship on Eid festival as well as Fridays in their main centre in the Satellite Town. This location is only 10 kilometers from the President House in Islamabad. In Lahore, the provincial capital, the police, on behest of mullas undertook defiling of the Kalima (Islamic creed) in Garhi Shahu, Sultanpura and Mughalpura mosques.

The Punjab Police, in another first-ever violation of Ahmadis‟ freedom of religion, barred them in Lahore and Sargodha from sacrificing animals at the occasion of the festival of Eid ul Adha. This violation of freedom to practice faith was entirely arbitrary. The law does not specify it.

Elections to the National Assembly are due to be held in a few weeks. The Election Commission issued instructions last year that separate lists be prepared for Ahmadis (only) – despite the state‟s commitment to Joint Electorate.

Ahmadis, on account of this loaded and blatant discrimination are unable again to participate in elections. It is noteworthy that no political party has raised voice against this discrimination. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, however, urged the government to facilitate Ahmadis‟ participation in elections.

Nominal rolls published by the Election Commission contain Ahmadis‟ latest addresses; this exposes them to great risk at the hand of murderous lunatics to whom these rolls become readily available.

Another aspect of Ahmadis‟ religious life, that was hard hit this year, was the burial of their dead and the sanctity of their graveyards. Again these violations were either undertaken by the police or with their support. For example, the police demolished 23 gravestones and took away the pieces with them on September 4 in Jaranwala, Faisalabad. On August 17, the Punjab Police removed Quranic verses and religious texts on tombstones in Mangat Uncha, District Hafizabad. On December 2, ten to fifteen armed men entered the Ahmadiyya graveyard in posh area of Model Town, Lahore and vandalized 120 tombstones. The police were reluctant even to register an FIR. They did that eventually, 24 hours after the incident. The English press took due notice of this grave sacrilege and published news and op-eds with such titles: No peace, even in grave; Ahmadi graves desecration: The death of conscience; Unsafe even in death; After the living, they came for the dead; etc.

The mighty hand of the Punjab Government hit hard the Ahmadiyya press in February, again on behest of the mullas. The authorities issued orders to ban Ahmadiyya women‟s monthly Misbah and took steps for similar action against the daily Al-fazl. They accused these periodicals of publishing objectionable material, however, as ever before, they did not point out any specific piece of writing or text, in proof. Ahmadis had to rush to the High Court to seek relief.

The judge was considerate; he issued a Stay Order. The authorities, however, should be given full (dis)credit for their discriminatory action, as otherwise Pakistani press enjoys great freedom these days, including the Jihadi periodicals that promote the agenda of organizations banned for terrorism.

A mulla in Karachi approached a court in September that the staff of the Ahmadiyya fortnightly Al-Musleh, Karachi should be booked under Ahmadispecific laws. The judge ordered the police to do that.

Education remains one of the favourite turfs with anti-Ahmadi policy-makers and fanatics. Many Ahmadi students suffered great harassment and discrimination in schools, both from students as well as teachers. Ahmadi teachers also remained very vulnerable due to the mischief of anti-Ahmadi laws.

For instance, two lady lecturers were booked by the police in Lahore on demand of mullas and students belonging to politico-religious parties. In the Punjab, applicants now have to mention their religion on the admission form. Roll number slips for the formal examinations mention the candidate‟s religion. This exposes Ahmadi children to prejudice and discrimination. Pencils and notebooks made available to students carry anti-Ahmadi dictates and charges. Many Ahmadi children find it unpleasant to attend school.

Hate campaign against Ahmadis picked up further momentum this year as the state and society openly yield to the will of Islamo-fascists. Anti-Ahmadi rallies, conferences, sermons have become a part of the religious landscape of Pakistan.

The mulla is free to peddle his philosophy of hate and declare Ahmadis Wajib ul Qatl (must be killed). A call to implement social boycott of Ahmadis is a standard feature in their rhetoric. As a result, societal alienation and social discrimination of Ahmadis has become more wide-spread. Instances are on record in which bigots, after listening to the bombast of mullas, proceeded to attack Ahmadis. The police often provide support to mullas and lead them to visit Ahmadis at their residences to tell them to remove Islamic or Arabic tablets or inscriptions from their buildings.

This year, in one such rally at Rabwah, authorized by state officials, 10,000 men converged to this mainly Ahmadiyya town to listen to hostile propaganda and profuse slander. Only a month later, on the occasion of Muharram, the DCO ordered 50 ulama not to enter this district, and he gagged (Zuban bandi) many others. That shows that authorities can still be firm and effective if they so decide.

Most of what is stated above happened in the Punjab. This is not surprising, as it is the overt policy of the ruling PML-N to be and to be seen as mulla-friendly.

For this reason, Lahore is like an epi-centre of the anti-Ahmadi turbulence. So many incidents happened in this city that a separate chapter (No. 6) had to be allocated to these reports. The major assault on Ahmadis‟ religious sensitivities occurred in the graveyard in Lahore, in a location which some op-ed writers called the backyard of Messers Sharifs‟ residences.

Rabwah the Ahmadiyya community‟s center remained under pressure throughout the year. Outsider mullas converged here in large numbers, many times. Ahmadis continued to be denied similar freedom of assembly – in their own town. This town suffers from the neglect of officials in maintenance of civic facilities and infrastructure. “Chenab Nagar neglected in development schemes”, was the headline of a news report in the daily Waqt, Lahore on December 3, 2012.

Threats remain an active weapon with religious monsters against Ahmadis.

These threats are always very disturbing at the receiving end because the recipient is never sure how serious the sender is about its implementations.

Ahmadis were threatened this year with, We‟ll kill your entire family; We‟ll dispatch you to hell (from Al-Qaeda, Tehrik Taliban); Get ready to meet your end; Repent and embrace Islam, or… ; Leave this area (of your residence) etc.

A doctor in Rawapindi was given 72 hours to pay Rs. 100 million ($1 million) or face consequences. Thereafter a medium size explosion did plenty of damage in his garage. This was a warning shot. The doctor complained to the security officials who advised him to strike a deal with the caller. The doctor did not have the demanded money; so he simply packed-up and fled, like many other Ahmadis in his situation.

While the English press was cautiously supportive of Ahmadis‟ human rights, the vernacular press maintained its policy of hostility towards this marginalized community. Headlines like “Qadianis are enemies of Islam and agents of Jews”, “The US is destroying Pakistan through Qadianis” and “Murder of Muslims in Burma is a Qadiani conspiracy” were printed in Urdu papers almost daily. This type of vicious propaganda could lead to a major communal explosion.

Ahmadis have been kidnapped for ransom under the impression that their community is rich enough to bail them out. Obviously, as the community funds are collected as charity these cannot be spared to fatten the religious thugs. They still pursue this crime considering it pious and licit. Three years ago, they kidnapped Mr. Maqsood Ahmad in Quatta but released him on receipt of ransom. This year they came for him again and shot him dead on December 7 when he was escorting his children to school.

In these circumstances Ahmadis in Pakistan can only suffer, and pray to God.

They observe fast once every week and offer additional worship every day. The state has legislated to usurp their rights and deny them freedom of faith, while the society has taken the big hint and indulges in enormities against them.

Yasser Latif Hamdani frankly stated this opinion in his op-ed in the

prestigious The Friday Times, Lahore of August 31,2012:

“Historions caution that the fetters imposed on Ahmadiyya community are reminiscent of the Nazi Nuremburg laws and are certainly much worse than the Jim Crow Laws of the United States of America in the 19th and early 20th century.

“The growing violence and hate against Ahmadis alongwith the greatest decline of the Pakistani state is creating a situation, very similar to Germany between the two world wars of the last century, and many fear brutal extermination of this community from Pakistan.”


–  –  –

Do Ahmadis deserve to live in Pakistan?

… Historians caution that the fetters imposed on Ahmadiyya community are reminiscent of the Nazi Nuremburg Laws and are certainly much worse than the Jim Crow Laws of the United States of America in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

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